South Africa’s fight against systemic corruption is being severely hampered by a critical lack of political will, preventing the full implementation of constitutionally mandated anti-graft bodies, according to legal and civil society experts.
While the Ramaphosa administration’s official platform highlights progress in securing convictions and recovering assets, the machinery of the state remains deliberately weakened, underfunded and susceptible to political interference. This sentiment is echoed by recent explosive allegations from a top police official.
During a panel discussion analysing the effectiveness of President Cyril Ramaphosa’s anti-corruption efforts, an expert traced the current challenges back to the 2009 disbanding of the Scorpions. Advocate Paul Hoffman, founder of Accountability Now, argued this was a calculated move because the unit was becoming “too good at prosecuting politicians and their friends.” This act set in motion a decade-long struggle to establish a truly independent, constitutionally sound anti-corruption entity.
The government, meanwhile, claims that over 1 300 corruption convictions have been secured in four years, including 500 government officials, and that R14.18 billion in assets have been frozen in corruption and state capture cases. The establishment of the NPA’s Investigating Directorate (ID) is presented as a key step, having enrolled over 34 cases involving more than 200 accused individuals.
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Despite these official figures, the perception of pervasive corruption persists. According to Transparency International’s 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index, South Africa scored 41 out of 100 (where 100 is “very clean”), ranking 82nd out of 180 countries. This indicates a significant and ongoing challenge.
The situation has been further complicated by recent events surrounding KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner, General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. In a dramatic press conference earlier this month, Mkhwanazi made seismic allegations of high-level corruption. The allegations implied that the state, including the executive, could not be trusted.
Advocate Hoffman’s analysis aligns with this climate of institutional weakness. He detailed the legal history following the Scorpions’ demise, referencing the landmark 2011 Glenister judgment, where the Constitutional Court ruled that South Africa required an anti-corruption body that was independent and “outside executive control.” Hoffman asserted that this judgment has never been properly implemented.
“We are sitting in a situation where we do not have the type of anti-corruption machinery of state which has been identified by our highest court,” Hoffman stated. He described subsequent efforts as insufficient and “absolutely not compliant with the criteria that were laid down by the constitutional court”.
Zukiswa Kota, programme manager at the Public Service Accountability Monitor (PSAM), agreed, noting a disconnect between diagnosis and action. “What’s missing is an adequate response… there is a lack of political will,” she said. Kota pointed to the “hollowing out” of key institutions and the gap between the government’s public commitments and the actual fiscal resources allocated to fight graft.
The core issue, Hoffman argued, is the governing party’s objective of maintaining control over all levers of power, which is fundamentally at odds with a truly independent anti-graft body. For real progress, a fundamental shift in political will is required to establish an entity, like a Chapter 9 institution, that is structurally protected from political interference.
Kota emphasised the tangible, human cost of this failure, explaining that flawed procurement processes have a devastating impact on citizens’ access to housing, healthcare, and reliable services. This was illustrated by the widespread PPE scandals during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Image credit: The Accountant.
